AfricaSource|Strategic Insight on the New Africa

The February 14th presidential elections in Nigeria signal an important milestone in the political trajectory of Africa’s most populous country. Nigeria has held three successive presidential elections since its return to democracy in 1999 after years of authoritarian rule. The presidential elections, which occur on a four year cycle, have varied in terms of accepted standards of free, fair, and transparent elections. The 2007 elections, in particular, were described by the International Republican Institute (IRI), an American democracy promotion organization that had observed the elections, as “well below international standards and below the standards Nigeria set for itself in the previous two elections….” In contrast, the 2011 elections were described by IRI “as a major step forward in advancing Nigeria’s democracy.”

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Violent riots broke out in Niger last month following the depiction of the Prophet Muhammad on the cover of the French satirical weekly newspaper Charlie Hebdo. Ten people were killed and forty-five churches torched by protesters on January 16 and 17. Niger declared three days of mourning.

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On January 7, US forces took into custody Dominic Ongwen, a commander in the notorious Lord’s Resistance Army (LRA), after his capture in the Central African Republic (CAR) by rebel forces.

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 REUTERS/Stringer
Boko Haram, the militant Islamist group that has a foothold in northern Nigeria, has begun to consolidate control over large swathes of territory threatening the stability of Nigeria and its neighbors.

The militants have resorted to using female suicide bombers as they ramp up their fight against the Nigerian government ahead of elections in February.

Bronwyn E. Bruton, deputy director of the Atlantic Council's Africa Center, attributes Boko Haram's rise to the Nigerian government's failure to deliver good governance and the atrocities committed by Nigerian security forces.

The US should be looking for ways to engage Boko Haram, Bruton tells New Atlanticist's Ashish Kumar Sen.

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Last week was a good week for the militant group Boko Haram and much less so for Nigeria and its neighbors, although one would be hard pressed to tell it from the relative nonchalance with which significant developments in the West African country’s fight against the brutal insurgency have been greeted not only by American media focused largely on new standoffs in Washington between the White House and emboldened Congressional Republicans after the midterm election, but also by the international community as a whole, the latter’s attention devoted almost entirely to the Asia-Pacific Economic Cooperation summit in Beijing and the G20 summit in Brisbane shortly thereafter.

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The “soft landing” that so many, both in Burkina Faso and abroad, had worked so hard to achieve is not to be.

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The events that have followed each other in rapid succession this week in the West African country of Burkina Faso are, at one level, relatively straightforward. What is not so readily apparent—certainly not to the tens of thousands of protesters-turned-rioters, much less to those far-off outsiders who, wittingly or unwittingly, egged them on—are the consequences of what they have wrought.  

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At the 2014 Atlantic Dialogues in Marrakesh, Morocco, Africa Center Director J. Peter Pham spoke on the "Stopping Organized Crime at Sea" panel.

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US Special Envoy for Sudan and South Sudan Donald Booth discusses recent political developments in Sudan and South Sudan, and articulates US policy toward both countries. 

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 Even as, coming out of the annual NATO summit in Wales, the United States and its allies are promising to ratchet up their response to the Islamic State in Iraq and Syria, another militant group, Boko Haram, is rapidly gaining ground in Africa, achieving many of the same operational and strategic successes that have made ISIS such a force to be reckoned with, including significant dominion over territory and populations.

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