Publications

This report examines the full range of US interests in the US-Iran stalemate and suggests measures that could become part of a new strategic approach. It identifies the major issues that will need to be addressed if US-Iranian relations are to improve. In doing so it identifies areas in which cooperative endeavors might serve the interests of both countries as well as those in which competing interests necessitate that the two parties move toward compromise, focusing on longer-term results.

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This report identifies strategic options available to the Bulgarian government and its defense industry, as well as the United States and its NATO partners, for transforming and repositioning the industry for the 21st century and facilitating its integration into the NATO and European Union industrial base. Since other Partnership for Peace (PfP) countries that are aspirants to NATO membership face similar difficulties concerning their defense industries, many of the recommendations herein apply to these countries as well.

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This publication addresses the stalemate between the US and Iran. It argues that the stalemate satisfies emotionally many Americans but does not serve overall US interests. According to the paper, it hinders the achievement of several key US geopolitical interests, especially over the longer term.

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This paper examines the factors that make peace enforcement politically and operationally complicated and undermine the will, the resources and the parliamentary consensus to undertake missions of peace enforcement. The author outlines two phases of the peace-enforcement process: one is a combat phase, the application of armed force to suppress hostilities. Phase two, presumptively a far harder, longer and more complex undertaking, is to try to rectify the causes of the violence, to provide a stable administration of the area and bring about some degree of economic and social recovery.

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The economic relationship between the United States and the European Union (EU) is in the midst of a significant transition. In the past, the dominant element of that relationship was trade. But in recent years, several new elements have become more prominent in the transatlantic economic relationship, bringing with them both challenges and opportunities.

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This assessment outlines a basis for U.S. national security planning related to Central Eurasia over the next ten years. The region covered encompasses the five former Soviet states of Central Asia (Kazakhstan, the Kyrgyz Republic, Tajikistan, Turkmenistan and Uzbekistan) and the three former Soviet states of the South Caucasus (Armenia, Azerbaijan and Georgia).

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In this situation, the Atlantic Council decided that it would be timely to send to European capitals a team of respected leaders and experts involved in the missile defense debate in the United States. Their purpose was to engage a wide range of European leaders and experts both inside and outside governments, in intensive dialogue about the issues presented by the missile defense question and to prepare for broad public distribution a report on their discussions and on the state of European thinking as they observed it. This policy paper is the result of this initiative, which took place in mid-July.

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Just a couple of years ago very few people in the United States, Russia or Western Europe, beside experts on the Balkans, would have recognized the name Kosovo and still fewer would have known anything about this obscure Serbian province. Since early 1999 all the world’s attention has been concentrated on the events in this hot spot. Moreover, further evolution of the conflict in and around Kosovo will largely define relations between Russia and the West, the state of European security and many world affairs at the opening of the twenty-first century.

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From defense to deterrence, then détente and cooperation, analysts have tracked the evolution of NATO through the second half of the 20th century. Now in the aftermath of the Balkan crises, the international community is confronted with the inevitability—and perhaps necessity—of further modification to the structure and responsibilities of NATO. These uncertainties are explored by an experienced and clear-headed analyst assessing the possibilities for the state of NATO in 2010.

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