To boost Venezuela’s economic recovery, the US should lean into Colombia

A Venezuelan living in Colombia waves a Venezuelan flag and a US flag at Plaza de Bolivar to celebrate after US President Donald Trump said the United States has struck Venezuela and captured its President Nicolas Maduro on January 3, 2026. (REUTERS/Andres Galeano)

WASHINGTON—The recent arrest of Nicolás Maduro following a US-led operation has created a fundamentally new geopolitical scenario in Latin America. Beyond its political symbolism, the event may mark the beginning of a structural reconfiguration of Venezuela’s economy, particularly its energy sector, which has historically been the backbone of the country’s productive capacity and external revenues.

After years of production collapse, underinvestment, infrastructure degradation, and international sanctions, any meaningful economic opening in Venezuela would require a large-scale reconstruction effort. This would encompass not only oil fields, refineries, and export infrastructure, but also electricity, transportation, logistics, and basic public services. The magnitude and complexity of this task suggest that the United States, while central to any reconstruction framework, will need reliable regional partners with operational experience, market knowledge, and logistical proximity.

The role Colombia can play

Within this context, Venezuela’s neighbor Colombia emerges as a potentially critical partner, despite recent diplomatic frictions between Washington and Colombian President Gustavo Petro. Colombia’s relevance is grounded less in political alignment and more in structural and economic factors that make it uniquely positioned to support a Venezuelan recovery process. A recent example is the unexpected call between Petro and US President Donald Trump, which official readouts described as constructive. The conversation reportedly paved the way for an official visit by the Colombian president to the White House on February 3, with Venezuela’s economic recovery and cross-border security coordination among the issues slated for discussion.

First, Colombia has functioned for years as a regional operational hub for US and multinational firms with historical exposure to Venezuela. Following Venezuela’s economic collapse, many of these companies relocated personnel, assets, and regional headquarters to Colombia, maintaining limited but continuous engagement with Venezuelan markets. In a scenario of gradual liberalization, Colombia could serve as a low-risk platform for re-entry.

Second, geographic proximity and existing transport links give Colombia a natural logistical advantage. These connections significantly reduce transaction costs for the movement of raw materials, machinery, equipment, and technical personnel required for reconstruction efforts, positioning Colombia as a gateway economy rather than a direct competitor.

Third, Colombia’s productive structure complements US industrial capabilities. Its intermediate manufacturing base and professional services sector, spanning food processing, chemicals, textiles, electrical equipment, engineering, and logistics, could integrate into binational or trinational value chains supporting Venezuela’s recovery.

Fourth, Colombia’s long-standing Free Trade Agreement with the United States provides a stable regulatory framework for US firms operating from Colombian territory. This legal certainty reduces investment risk and facilitates the structuring of supply chains linked to Venezuelan projects.

Recent trends in Colombia–Venezuela trade reinforce this potential. Despite political volatility, bilateral commerce has rebounded, with Colombian exports reaching almost one billion dollars in 2024, led by food products and manufactured goods. This recovery suggests that commercial channels can expand rapidly if political and security conditions improve.

Constraints and risks ahead

Despite these advantages, Washington faces legitimate concerns regarding Colombia’s reliability as a strategic partner. The Petro administration’s foreign policy signals, domestic political dynamics, and perceived ideological proximity to certain Venezuelan actors introduce uncertainty into long-term planning.

More critically, border security remains a binding constraint. The Colombia–Venezuela border has long been characterized by weak state presence and the activity of nonstate armed actors, including the National Liberation Army (ELN), Revolutionary Armed Forces of Colombia (FARC) dissident groups, and criminal organizations involved in narcotics trafficking and smuggling. Without credible improvements in territorial control, any reconstruction strategy involving Colombia would face elevated operational and reputational risks.

From a US policy perspective, meaningful Colombian participation would likely require demonstrable progress in border governance. This includes expanded military and law enforcement presence, improved intelligence-sharing, and the deployment of advanced surveillance and cybersecurity capabilities, potentially supported by US assistance. Enhanced maritime control could further strengthen confidence among private investors, as well.

What’s in it for Washington

If these constraints are addressed, then closer US–Colombia coordination could yield substantial strategic benefits:

  • It would lower barriers to private investment in Venezuelan reconstruction, enabling US and Colombian firms to participate in energy rehabilitation, infrastructure development, logistics services, and light manufacturing.
  • It would expand US exports to northern South America, particularly in high-value sectors such as pharmaceuticals, technology, agribusiness, and professional services, reinforcing US economic influence in the region.
  • It would facilitate the reactivation of regional value chains that historically linked Venezuela, Colombia, and the Caribbean, enhancing overall regional productivity and resilience.

Venezuela’s reopening represents one of the most consequential opportunities in Latin America in decades. Realizing this opportunity will require not only political change in Caracas, but also a coordinated regional strategy anchored in security, institutional credibility, and economic integration.

Colombia can serve as a pivotal intermediary in this process, not as a substitute for US leadership, but as a regional platform that reduces costs, mitigates risk, and accelerates implementation. For US policymakers, the central question is not whether Colombia should play this role, but under what conditions and with what safeguards. Clear benchmarks on security and governance will be essential to transforming potential alignment into a durable strategic partnership.