A single word “baba,” dad, appeared on an Instagram post by Iranian punk rocker King Raam taken at his father’s funeral. 

Kavous Seyed-Emami, a prominent Canadian-Iranian environmentalist and academic, was quickly buried without an independent autopsy due to pressure by authorities, according to his family. Officials said Seyed-Emami had committed suicide in Tehran’s notorious Evin Prison on February 9, seventeen days after his arrest. 

He was not the first to die under suspicious circumstances in prison during recent weeks. Two protesters—Vahid Heidari and Sina Ghonbadi—who participated in the nationwide unrest last month were also said to have committed suicide in prison. Their deaths sparked public outrage.

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The development of the strategic Chabahar port is becoming a success story in the Iran-India relationship.

The Iranian port on the Gulf of Oman is a key project for the two countries. Originally agreed to in 2003 during the presidency of Mohammad Khatami and the prime ministership of Atal Bihari Vajpayee, the project was suspended during the George W. Bush and early Barack Obama administrations due to US sanctions against Iran over its nuclear program.

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US President Donald J. Trump wants a military parade—a grand military parade.

Trump, reportedly inspired by the Bastille Day parade he witnessed in Paris last summer, has asked the Pentagon to organize a parade down Pennsylvania Avenue in Washington that [wait for it] tops the French.

The reaction to Trump’s plan has ranged from skepticism to criticism. [Here, here, and here, for example.]

The last major military parade in the United States marked victory in the Gulf War in 1991. George H.W. Bush was president at the time. According to the Washington Post, opinion was sharply divided over the parade.

Other countries hold military parades—ostentatious displays of military might, all intended to send a clear message of nationalist pride.

We take a look at some of these parades.

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The fate of the Iran nuclear agreement may rest on whether European governments are able to reach a side agreement with the Trump administration on issues that go beyond the provisions of the Joint Comprehensive Plan of Action (JCPOA).

Iran’s increasingly sophisticated ballistic arsenal has become a major concern for its neighbors and the United States. The Trump Administration sees the missile program as a regional and global threat that was not adequately addressed by the JCPOA and has set up a working group with Britain, France and Germany to deal with missiles and other issues not covered by the nuclear deal.

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What is driving the protests that have recently rocked Iran and where is this movement headed? As an observer, rather than a political activist, I would formulate the profile of this movement—which the protesters have dubbed the “Iranian national revolution”—as follows.

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This article is part of a series reflecting on the first year of the Trump administration.

US President Donald J. Trump has threatened to withdraw from the Iran nuclear deal unless the United States’ European allies and the US Congress fix what he believes to be a “disastrously flawed” agreement.

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On January 12, US President Donald J. Trump announced he would renew a number of waivers to provide limited sanctions relief to Iran in order to continue to implement the Joint Comprehensive Plan of Action (JCPOA).  At the same time, Trump committed to withdraw from the deal if he could not reach agreement with European allies and obtain US legislation to threaten additional sanctions against Iran if it does not address what Trump perceives as flaws in the nuclear deal. Trump’s move marks a continuation of the successful policies of former US President Barack Obama to prevent Iran from obtaining a nuclear weapon, yet supplements this policy with unpredictability and potential chaos in the future.

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The uncertainty caused by US President Donald J. Trump’s criticism of the Iran nuclear deal has contributed to a stagnation of Iran’s economy—the underlying cause of the ongoing anti-government protests in the Islamic Republic, according to a former Obama administration official.

On January 12, Trump agreed to one last time waive sanctions on Iran, but gave the US Congress and European allies 120 days to fix the nuclear deal or else the United States would unilaterally pull out.

“We do have to keep the pressure up,” said Amos Hochstein, senior vice president for marketing at Tellurian Inc. “I think we can keep the deal and not threaten to leave it unilaterally, work with allies to improve whatever we can, while upgrading pressure on Iran,” he said.

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For forty years, the Islamic Republic of Iran has encouraged, even demanded, that its citizens participate in mass demonstrations. Repeatedly, however, Iranians have taken to the streets not to praise the regime, but to protest its policies.

The latest protests began December 28, in Mashhad, a conservative city and home to a major Shi’ite Muslim shrine. The government responded by restricting access to social media apps such as Instagram and Telegram as the demonstrations spread through small, provincial cities. While political slogans have been chanted, the main initial grievances appear to be economic—rising inflation and unemployment.

More than twenty people have died since the protests began. 

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Iran has been rocked by the most significant protests in almost a decade. At least twenty people have been killed.

Amir Handjani, a senior fellow in the Atlantic Council’s South Asia Center and a Council board member, discussed the reason for the protests, the Iranian government’s response, and how US President Donald J. Trump should respond (Spoiler alert: Handjani says Trump should be frugal in his commentary on the situation). Here are excerpts from Handjani’s interview with the New Atlanticist’s Ashish Kumar Sen.

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