Q&A with Senator Jeanne Shaheen

Jeanne Shaheen is a senator from New Hampshire who serves as the ranking member on the Senate Foreign Relations Committee and co-chair of the Senate NATO Observer Group. The Defense Journal of the Atlantic Council Turkey Program recently interviewed the senator, covering US foreign policy, NATO, US-Turkey relations, and Congress’s role in foreign policymaking.

This interview has been lightly edited for style.

DJ: You have been a major supporter of NATO as a pillar of US foreign policy and statecraft. Can you speak a bit on the value of the US network of alliances and the role played by NATO specifically?

Shaheen: I have always believed that the United States is strongest when we work with allies, not when we go it alone. NATO is the most successful military alliance in history, and it has made Americans safer and stronger for more than seventy-five years. Our alliances are a strategic investment in our own security and NATO gives the United States unmatched reach, burden sharing, intelligence cooperation, and military interoperability. After September 11, NATO came to our defense. Allied troops fought and died along Americans in Afghanistan. Today, NATO is central to deterring Russia, supporting Ukraine, maintaining stability across Europe and countering hybrid warfare from our adversaries through technology, the space domain, and information warfare.

It also matters beyond Europe: Beijing is watching whether the United States and our allies stay united in Ukraine as Xi [Jinping] calculates his own moves in the Indo-Pacific. A divided NATO is exactly what [Vladimir] Putin and Xi want. A strong NATO is one of our clearest advantages.

DJ: You entered the Senate at a very different time, with a very different set of geopolitical dynamics—including, but not limited to, views of Russia and the reality of hard-power threats to NATO. How have your views of collective security and the threats to NATO security evolved over that time?

Shaheen: When I entered the Senate, there was still hope in some quarters that Russia could be a more constructive partner. Yet it has been noted that an empire on the decline can be more dangerous than an empire on the rise, which underscores why Putin’s craven actions to hold onto power are such a threat to the West. Russia’s full-scale invasion of Ukraine was a turning point, but it was not the beginning of the threat. Putin is not just using military force; he has launched sabotage operations, cyberattacks, and energy coercion to undermine Europe. But Congress has stayed resolute in holding Russia to account. In addition to supporting legislation and supplemental funding packages to continue assistance to Ukraine, Congress has stayed resolute in thwarting Russia’s attempts to undermine our Alliance. I led legislation to kick out Russian Kaspersky Lab software from US computers. I secured passage of legislation to require the first US strategy to the Black Sea region to counter Russia’s expansionist ambitions. And I was a staunch opponent of Nord Stream II, which I saw as a powerful tool for Russia to wield against Europe.

Put simply, the definition of transatlantic security has broadened since I first entered the Senate because Russia has demonstrated its willingness to weaponize any available platform to undermine our unity—through trafficking Ukrainian children and weaponizing European energy to holding Americans hostage and undermining our shared infrastructure. Yet it underscores the increased importance of NATO to keep us united amid increasingly varied threats to undermine us.  

DJ: Both major political parties in the United States seem to have grown more skeptical about foreign policy commitments in recent years. How do you make the case to the American people—and to our foreign partners—that American commitment is necessary and can be counted on?

Shaheen: I start by making it clear that foreign policy is not separate from the lives of the American people. Our alliances protect our economy and supply chains and help prevent wars. Our alliances make all our lives more predictable because they create standards and establish common ground to make it easier to travel, do business, and become more prosperous together. Our strong alliances are cemented through treaties and security agreements that are binding; these treaties provide assurances that despite political differences, our commitment to maintain security and economic ties remains ironclad.

The Senate Foreign Relations Committee (SFRC) has played a central role in that work for decades, whether it was NATO expansion, major nuclear arms control agreements, or the United Nations Charter. That process is important because it gives our allies confidence that America’s commitments are bigger than any one administration. For example, if the United States were ever to provide a long-term security guarantee to Ukraine or enter into other major security arrangements, those commitments would similarly require durable bipartisan support.

The bipartisan work continues in Congress. Senator [Tom] Tillis and I co-chair the Senate NATO Observer Group, and we have repeatedly shown that support for NATO crosses party lines. Congress has made clear that no president can unilaterally withdraw the United States from NATO.

DJ: The host of this year’s NATO summit, Turkey, is a major force contributor to NATO and a major military and defense industrial leader within the Alliance. Yet there are still social media accounts and commentators calling for “kicking Turkey out of NATO.” What do you make of that line of reasoning and how seriously is it taken in Washington?

Shaheen: Turkey is a NATO ally with a strategically important role in the Alliance. It sits at a critical geographic crossroads, controls access to the Black Sea, and has played an important role in Ukraine, including helping facilitate the Black Sea grain deal. Turkey is also a significant military power and defense industrial actor within NATO. And it is important to emphasize that Turkey’s geographic positioning, as it bridges Europe and the Middle East, is unlike any other NATO ally.

I hear those arguments both inside and outside of Turkey, but I don’t think they reflect the reality of the strategic challenges facing the Alliance. The United States and Turkey—both bilaterally and working together in NATO—make us stronger and safer.

I have real concerns about democratic backsliding in Turkey, including arrests of political opponents, detention of journalists, and crackdowns on protestors. Our Alliance is strongest when allies are committed to advancing our shared values, including democracy, free expression, freedom of assembly, and respect for political opposition. Those are conversations we should continue to have candidly and directly with our Turkish allies. But disagreement among allies is not a reason to weaken the Alliance. The answer is engagement, dialogue, and continued cooperation on the many areas where our interests align, from Black Sea security to Ukraine to regional stability. NATO is strongest when allies address hard issues directly, not when we hand Putin an opportunity to exploit division.

DJ: We’ve heard that you have excellent relations with Ambassador Tom Barrack and good bipartisan working relationships within SFRC on regional issues including Ukraine, Syria, and commitment to NATO. How about bilateral relations with the Turks—is there bipartisan consensus there?

Shaheen: We need a relationship with Turkey that is clear eyed, candid, and grounded in mutual interests and values. On Ukraine, there is real appreciation for Turkey’s support in key areas, including its role in Black Sea diplomacy. On Syria, Turkey’s role is central, and we need sustained engagement to ensure Syria does not become a launching ground for terrorism or fall back under malign influence.

I believe there is room for bipartisan cooperation on a pragmatic Turkey policy that strengthens NATO while holding firm on democratic principles. Most importantly, as partners, we must understand that our nations are not represented by a particular leader or party. As NATO countries, we represent diverse societies and geographies with varying views and perspectives—and these are the very societal values that NATO was formed to protect.

DJ: Do you think the United States gets a solid strategic return on investment from its support to NATO? And are the other members doing enough to ensure sustainability moving forward?

Shaheen: Yes. NATO gives the United States an extraordinary strategic return on investment. It multiplies American power, shares burdens, strengthens deterrence, and protects our most important economic relationships. NATO provides the United States with strong economic benefits. Recent research published by CSIS [the Center for Strategic and International Studies] shows that a US exit from NATO would generate a [roughly]16 percent fall in US exports. A strong NATO reduces the chance that American troops will have to fight a larger war later. Our allies have also stepped up significantly. President [Donald] Trump was right to push allies to spend more on defense, and many have responded.

NATO’s recent commitment to higher defense spending is an important step. At the 2025 NATO summit in The Hague, allies made a commitment to investing 5 percent of GDP (gross domestic product) annually in core defense requirements and defense and security-related spending by 2035. European allies need to keep investing in readiness, air defense, munitions, infrastructure, and long-term support for Ukraine. The answer is not a weaker NATO. The answer is a stronger, more capable, and more balanced NATO.

DJ: What do you see as the most critical tasks for NATO leadership and member countries at the July summit and over the next several years?

Shaheen: First, NATO must stay united behind Ukraine and ensure that any peace is just, lasting, and backed by real security guarantees. Second, allies must follow through on defense spending commitments with credible capabilities. Third, NATO needs to strengthen its eastern flank and maintain a robust US and allied force posture in Europe. Fourth, the Alliance must address hybrid threats, including cyberattacks, sabotage, disinformation, and threats to subsea cables. Fifth, NATO must deepen coordination in the High North as Russia and China increase activity in the Arctic. Sixth, NATO should continue meaningful engagement with Indo-Pacific partners like Japan and South Korea. Seventh, the Alliance must protect critical infrastructure and defense industrial capacity. Finally, all NATO leaders need to send a message that the Alliance is united, capable, and prepared to deter aggression.

DJ: What concerns you most about the health of the Alliance moving forward?

My biggest concern is political division among allies that weakens deterrence. Putin and Xi are looking for cracks in NATO unity. We cannot give them that opening. I am deeply concerned by President Trump’s negotiating tactic of threatening allies and questioning Article 5 as a tactic to achieve his objectives, because the rhetoric is permanently damaging our relationships with key allies and forcing them to consider other partners of choice. I am also concerned about the hollowing out of American diplomacy. We need ambassadors, foreign service officers, and sustained engagement with allies. Today, more than one hundred US ambassadorships remain vacant, including in strategically important countries. At a time when Russia’s war continues in Europe and China is expanding its global influence, those vacancies mean fewer senior American voices in the room and fewer opportunities to shape events before they become crises.

When I meet with NATO officials and our allies, I am impressed with their efforts to keep pace with new threats: cyberattacks, Arctic competition, subsea sabotage, and critical infrastructure vulnerabilities. However, I worry that without US leadership at the table, we are losing opportunities to learn best practices from our allies because we are too busy threatening them. That being said, I remain optimistic because I continue to see strong bipartisan support in Congress to sustain the integrity and mission of NATO.

DJ: There are some signs of battle fatigue on the part of Putin and the Russian military. Do you think the prospects for an end to the war are good, and what would a compromise ceasefire mean for Western security moving forward?

Russia is not winning in Ukraine. Putin has failed to achieve his strategic objectives, and Ukraine continues to show extraordinary resilience and innovation.

When I traveled to Odessa earlier this year, our delegation visited a Turkish-owned ferry that had been struck by a Russian missile. It was one of several Turkish commercial vessels targeted by Russia in a matter of days. That was a powerful reminder that this war is not only affecting Ukrainians. Russia’s aggression is directly harming international commerce, global food security, and the interests of NATO allies, including Turkey.

As I said earlier, Putin has become more dangerous because he is more desperate than at any other time in this war. Putin is increasing his attacks on civilians, critical infrastructure, and even American and Turkish businesses operating in Ukraine because his war is failing and he is trying to widen the problem to find new ways to divide Western support for Ukraine. But it’s clearly not working. This is precisely why a ceasefire cannot simply reward aggression or give Russia time to rearm and attack again. Russia’s revisionist campaign, which started with the annexation of Georgian territory in 2008, must be brought to a permanent stop. Any durable peace must respect Ukraine’s sovereignty and territorial integrity. Ukraine must be at the center of any negotiations about its own future. A lasting peace will require strong, binding security guarantees and continued coordination with NATO and European allies. If Putin concludes that he can outlast the West, he will continue the war. The path to peace runs through strength: sanctions, military support, allied unity, and real pressure on the Kremlin.

DJ: The US secretary of state is a former senator. Does this help with effective consultations between the Senate and the administration on foreign policy matters?

Having a former senator as secretary of state should help because he understands Congress’s constitutional role in foreign policy. Secretary [Marco] Rubio served on both the Senate Foreign Relations Committee and the Senate Select Committee on Intelligence, so he knows that effective American foreign policy requires a strong partnership with Congress. Allies need to know that our commitments can stand the test of time and that only happens when Congress is brought into the discussion.

Unfortunately, that has not been the reality. Congress cannot be a partner if it is kept in the dark. On issues ranging from US force posture in Europe and support for Ukraine to sanctions policy and the administration’s approach to Iran, Congress has repeatedly requested briefings and information only to receive delayed responses, or no responses at all. Too often, Congress is informed of major decisions only after they have already been made. That is not consultation. As I recently told Secretary Rubio, he would not have stood for this kind of stonewalling by the administration when he was a senator.

I have worked with Secretary Rubio on bipartisan foreign policy issues and know that he understands the value of congressional engagement. When the executive branch works closely with Congress and our allies, American foreign policy is stronger, more credible, and more sustainable.

Jeanne Shaheen is a senator from New Hampshire who serves as the ranking member on the Senate Foreign Relations Committee and co-chair of the Senate NATO Observer Group. The Defense Journal of the Atlantic Council Turkey Program recently interviewed the senator, covering US foreign policy, NATO, US-Turkey relations, and Congress’s role in foreign policymaking.

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Within the Atlantic Council’s longstanding commitment to strengthening the transatlantic relationship, the Atlantic Council Turkey Program conducts research, provides thought leadership, and offers a platform for strategic dialogue between the US, Turkey, and NATO allies to address the region’s toughest challenges and explore opportunities, including in the fields of energy, business & trade, technology, defense, and security.

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Image: US Senator Jeanne Shaheen participates in a panel discussion on "A New Trans-Atlantic Consensus" moderated by Dutch journalist Rick Nieman at a NATO Public Forum. Photo courtesy of the US Embassy The Hague.