• Introduction | Aleksej Demjanski
• Economy: So much to do, so little on the agenda | Branimir Jovanović
• EU integration: Gaining credibility | Malinka Ristevska Jordanova
• Anti-corruption: A holistic approach to reduce risk factors | Biljana Ivanovska
• Youth: From rhetoric to real change | Sara Milenkovska
• Civil society: Inclusion and integration | Lura Pollozhani
• Conclusion and policy recommendations

Introduction

Aleksej Demjanski

North Macedonia’s 2024 presidential and parliamentary elections resulted in a major shift in power. Seven years after securing victory by riding a wave of protests demanding concrete reforms, a renewed EU accession perspective, and the fight against corruption, the liberal center-left Social Democratic Union of Macedonia saw its worst election result since independence in 1991. This year, the conservative center-right opposition Internal Macedonian Revolutionary Organization–Democratic Party for Macedonian National Unity (VMRO-DPMNE) rode its own wave of dissatisfaction with the slow pace of EU integration burdened by bilateral demands from Bulgaria and unrealized domestic reforms.

A coalition government between VMRO-DPMNE, the Albanian VLEN bloc, and the ZNAM movement has taken the reins. The partners have agreed on a set of priorities that include the economy, EU integration, and the fight against corruption. A slew of urgent tasks lies ahead for the new government in these areas, but also in tackling other pressing challenges regarding youth and emigration as well as cooperation with civil society. Addressing these priorities—domestically and internationally—will require astutely walking a tightrope amid citizens’ demands for a change in the status quo.

While the transatlantic community will remain preoccupied with a political transition in the European Union (EU) and elections the United States over the next six months, the new government in North Macedonia will have time to prepare its reform agenda and engage international partners on achieving common goals. The modus operandi of all Macedonian governments since independence is no longer tenable. A paradigm shift is needed to pursue reforms that benefit all North Macedonia’s citizens.

This policy brief is a compilation of expert analyses that serve as a kind of reform agenda—a road map of policy recommendations for the new Macedonian government in several key areas the coalition partners have already identified as priorities. The first section by Branimir Jovanović outlines how the government can revive the fragile economy and deliver on important public investments. The second section by Malinka Ristevska Jordanova argues the need to shift the EU narrative in North Macedonia and double down on reforms at home to unlock the path to EU accession. The third section by Biljana Ivanovska outlines how the new government can reduce risk factors for corruption and take a holistic approach to tackling the problem. The fourth section by Sara Milenkovska looks at how the new government can improve the approach to youth policies and address the challenges confronting the country’s youth. Finally, the fifth section by Lura Pollozhani provides a series of recommendations for how civil society can better engage the new government and how the government can reap the benefits of a constructive partnership with the country’s civic sector.

The brief concludes with a section outlining all these tangible policy recommendations for North Macedonia’s new government. These recommendations will serve as a useful tool for civil society and the international community in advocating for North Macedonia’s further democratic progress and European integration.

Economy: So much to do, so little on the agenda

Branimir Jovanović

North Macedonia’s new government faces several challenges. These are not limited to the dire fiscal situation and the tricky task of supporting a faltering economy while working within budgetary constraints. They also include deep-seated structural issues born from decades of governments pursuing a flawed economic model.

The most pressing challenge will be finding the money to sustain public spending. North Macedonia’s fiscal deficit in the first three months of the year amounted to 7.4 percent of the gross domestic product. This resulted from the generous fiscal package that the previous government adopted at the end of 2023 to win public support ahead of the elections. While that public support never came, the money was still spent and will continue to be spent, further straining the budget.

The second challenge will be supporting the fragile economy, which grew just 1.2 percent in the first quarter of 2024. Even this modest growth was largely due to the generous fiscal package mentioned above, which will soon vanish. Therefore, the new government must think of something quickly if it wants to avoid a recession.

The most daunting issue, though, will be to transform the outdated economic model based on low taxes, stingy public spending, nonintervention of the government in the economy, and a preference for foreign investment. This model, pursued over the past twenty to thirty years, has kept the country’s average per capita income at just 40 percent of the EU average, the poverty rate at more than 20 percent, and the rate of inequality among the highest in Europe.

Regrettably, the electoral program of the victorious VMRO-DPMNE party and initial statements from its leadership offer little cause for optimism. In his first interview after the election, incoming Prime Minister Hristijan Mickoski addressed only the immediate financial challenge, proposing to secure a €1 billion loan from another country. Since then, North Macedonia and Hungary have agreed to a €500 million loan.

However, Mickoski did not say how he plans to support the economy, only cryptically stating his preference for investment over public consumption. This suggests that the economy is likely to decelerate in the second half of the year and might even slip into a recession after the expiration of the current fiscal package.

Most troubling, VMRO-DPMNE’s electoral program lacks the structural reforms needed to address North Macedonia’s outdated economic model. It merely echoes programs from former prime minister Nikola Gruevski’s time in office, recycling outdated concepts such as the regulatory guillotine, tax reductions, labor market flexibilization, offering public-sector employees to private firms, and closing old and opening new state agencies and ministries.

In addition to securing a loan to address the country’s urgent fiscal challenges, the new government must enhance fiscal revenues over a longer term by implementing a progressive tax system. It should impose higher taxes on higher-income brackets, larger corporations, and wealthier individuals.

To kick-start the economy, the government should increase the minimum wage, public-sector salaries, and all social transfers. Additionally, it should accelerate public investments in infrastructure, including roads, railways, and energy.

Finally, structural reforms are crucial to overhaul the outdated economic model. The government should introduce a strategic industrial policy to support key economic sectors, fostering innovation and international competitiveness. Investments in public services such as education, healthcare, and social protection need to be significantly increased to enhance the quality of life and productivity. The current exploitative model must be replaced with one that emphasizes equality and ensures the benefits of growth are broadly shared across the population rather than captured by a small, privileged elite.

EU integration: Gaining credibility

Malinka Ristevska Jordanova

In 2019, the Republic of Macedonia changed its name to the Republic of North Macedonia to end a dispute with Greece and pave the way for its Euro-Atlantic integration. However, while North Macedonia has been admitted into NATO, its membership in the EU remains blocked. The new French methodology on enlargement from 2020 further delayed the launch of EU accession negotiations and was followed by a Bulgarian veto. The unprecedented Bulgarian conditions related to Macedonian identity and history were incorporated in the accession process through the 2022 “French proposal.” The proposal, which includes General Affairs Council conclusions, joint/common positions, as well as the negotiating framework, triggered massive protests and reactions both domestic and international. The conditions, which include changing the Macedonian historic narrative, are based on the Bulgarian claim that the Macedonian nation does not exist. Bulgaria also does not recognize the Macedonian minority in Bulgaria and fails to implement its international obligations related to the freedom of association.

In practice, Macedonia’s (imposed) bilateral agreements with Greece and Bulgaria have become a tool for these neighboring countries—EU and NATO members—to further exert pressure on the Macedonian side for concessions on issues of identity and history rather than serve as a demonstration of solidarity, support for its EU accession, and improve cooperation in good faith.

In addition, while the enlargement process has returned to the EU agenda with Russia’s aggression against Ukraine, it did not actually make the EU perspective for Western Balkan countries, including North Macedonia, more tangible. Instead, the EU enlargement agenda was tied to the future EU internal reform agenda, and new proposals for gradual or partial integration of the Western Balkan countries came to the forefront.

The almost-three-decades-long process of EU integration and the continued imposition of bilateral conditions that have nothing to do with the Copenhagen criteria that define whether a country is eligible to join the EU, and even run opposite, have diminished the EU’s credibility in North Macedonia. Lacking the majority in the Macedonian parliament needed to deliver the promised first step in fulfilling Bulgaria’s numerous conditions—constitutional amendment to include the 3,504 Macedonian citizens that identify as ethnic Bulgarians in the 2022 census as a minority community—the former government (strongly supported by international partners) failed to deliver its promise to the EU.

Around 65 percent of Macedonian citizens are against the constitutional amendment—80 percent of the majority ethnic Macedonian community is against them, while 53 percent of the Albanian ethnic minority community is in favor. Nourishing ethnic division and polarization, the twisted national European agenda has turned into a perpetual response to vetoes rather than a genuine process of Europeanization.

Furthermore, marred by “constructiveness” in bilateral relations and promises that EU accession negotiations will automatically bring reform and well-being, backsliding on reforms related to EU membership, especially in the area of rule of law, became apparent. The distorted EU agenda was a key factor in the opposition VMRO-DPMNE’s victory in the recent parliamentary and presidential elections.

The new government, led by VMRO-DPMNE and largely perceived internationally as “nationalist,” will face a critical challenge: How can it inject credibility into the EU reform process, both internally and externally, without compromising its promises to the electorate?

The Macedonian EU narrative needs an essential shift—from fulfilling bilaterally imposed conditions that have nothing to do with EU accession criteria toward genuine economic and normative convergence with the EU. Instead of short-term concessions for small rewards, a long-term approach that protects national interests should be designed and implemented. A consistent and cohesive national strategy for EU accession needs to be developed and meticulously pursued domestically and internationally. An inclusive approach based on dialogue and arguments is essential in this process.

In order to gain credibility, the new government has to demonstrate, in practice, a decisive commitment to upholding EU standards on democracy, fundamental rights, and the rule of law while at the same time fulfilling the expectations of Macedonian citizens.

In that vein, EU-related reforms must be domestically driven and embedded in a consistent, inclusive, transparent, and evidence-based policymaking process. Significant improvements are necessary to put the policymaking cycle on track. In this context, the transposition of the EU acquis should be well-planned and methodologically consistent.

Furthermore, only depoliticized institutions can support the societal change needed for genuine Europeanization. The institutional setup for EU accession negotiations and management of the EU integration process should be streamlined and resources pooled. Developing capacity for the absorption of EU funds, in parallel with improving the national policymaking process, is imperative.

Finally, the Macedonian authorities’ dialogue within the region, Europe, and internationally needs to be significantly intensified and elevated to prevent further bilateralization of the EU accession process and protect crucial national interests. Macedonian authorities should take better advantage of their NATO membership, as well as membership in other international organizations, and foster sustainable and constructive relations with their partners.

Anti-corruption: A holistic approach to reduce risk factors

Biljana Ivanovska

Corruption is a multifaceted phenomenon, constantly evolving and intertwined with diverse economic, legal, political, and sociological factors. The negative effects of corruption are profound and far-reaching, spanning the public, private, and civil sectors. Corrupt behavior undermines confidence in institutions and the efficient use of public resources. It threatens democracy and the exercise of human rights due to the erosion of social values.

Through a systematic approach and assessment of corruption risks pertaining to spending public funds or abusing official positions in the public sector, the Macedonian State Commission for the Prevention of Corruption prepared a National Strategy for Prevention of Corruption and Conflict of Interest (2021-2025). The strategy, a pivotal step in confronting corruption, was adopted in 2020 by the Assembly of North Macedonia. However, the efficacy of this strategy hinges on the thorough execution of the accompanying Action Plan, which, unfortunately, has seen limited implementation thus far.

Corruption manifests through various channels, with several common denominators identified across sectors. Political interference in the public sphere, deficiencies in the rule of law, and a culture of impunity all contribute to its proliferation. Institutional weaknesses, a lack of integrity and transparency, and inconsistent regulations create fertile ground for corrupt practices to thrive.

A multifaceted approach is imperative to tackle corruption effectively. Strengthening integrity lies at the core of this endeavor. Personal and institutional integrity can be strengthened by fostering a merit-based value system and promoting ethical behavior. Moreover, ensuring the impartial enforcement of the rule of law and establishing independent and transparent institutions are vital steps in combating corruption’s entrenched presence.

Transparency and accountability are powerful weapons in the fight against corruption. Embracing digitalization initiatives can enhance transparency, streamline processes, and minimize opportunities for malfeasance. Simultaneously, robust accountability mechanisms must be enforced to hold perpetrators accountable and deter future misconduct. Strengthening supervisory and control mechanisms will further bolster anti-corruption efforts, providing additional safeguards against the abuse of power.
Legislative reforms are indispensable in fortifying the anti-corruption framework. Legal accountability must be enforced through rigorous prosecution of corrupt individuals, supported by legislation on the origin of property to curtail illicit wealth accumulation. Moreover, protecting whistleblowers and fostering public awareness are necessary to empower citizens to report corruption without fear of reprisal.

Political accountability must be upheld, with public officials answerable for their actions and decisions. Transparent employment practices, coupled with integrity-driven recruitment and human resource policies, are essential to cultivate a culture of accountability within public institutions. Institutional capacity-building and strengthening law enforcement agencies, the prosecutor’s office, and the judiciary are equally critical, equipping them with the resources and expertise to effectively investigate and prosecute corruption cases.

The private sector also plays a pivotal role in anti-corruption efforts. Regulatory frameworks should be implemented to promote transparency and integrity in private-sector operations, mitigating the risk of collusion and bribery. Furthermore, civil society and media engagement are indispensable in fostering public awareness and scrutiny, holding institutions accountable, and advocating for systemic reforms.

Cooperation among relevant stakeholders is indispensable in translating anti-corruption rhetoric into tangible action. Prioritizing the recommendations of anti-corruption agencies and fostering interstate cooperation can also attract collective expertise and resources to combat corruption effectively at all levels.

In conclusion, addressing corruption in North Macedonia demands a holistic approach that encompasses legislative reforms, effective criminal justice response, digitalization of public services, institutional capacity-building, and societal engagement.

Strengthening institutional integrity, enhancing transparency and accountability, and fostering cooperation among stakeholders can pave the way for a more efficient anti-corruption future.

Youth: From rhetoric to real change

Sara Milenkovska

In Macedonian politics, youth have been paid lip service but have not seen a substantial improvement in their situation. Contrary to the popular narrative in the media that youth in North Macedonia are apathetic, young people have led societal change and played a crucial role in civil society.

Still, a recent survey by the Westminster Foundation for Democracy shows that young people in North Macedonia are disillusioned and disengaged. Only 31 percent of youth surveyed believe the country is moving in the right direction, and a mere 3 percent are fully satisfied with their place in society. Six out of ten respondents feel they cannot impact government decisions, and only 22 percent think the government is addressing youth issues. Social inactivity is high, with 71 percent describing themselves as inactive citizens, and just 8 percent have tried to solve societal problems. Additionally, 90 percent have never participated in civic or nongovernmental organizations. While 64 percent always vote in elections, half of all surveyed do not believe voting can influence the country’s situation.

Despite these challenges, youth organizations were able to make progress. For example, they continued to advocate for adopting the Law on Youth Participation and Youth Policies in 2020 and pushed for a new National Youth Strategy. In past elections, political parties prioritized youth issues in their election promises. The failure to implement the Law on Youth Participation and Youth Policies, however, reinforced young people’s perception that they are not a priority for decision-makers. A 2019 survey by the National Youth Council of Macedonia (NYCM) found that 13 percent of respondents felt decision-makers ignored them and that current practices in the country make it challenging to alter this perception among the youth. This sentiment was confirmed by youth organizations involved in developing the National Youth Strategy. The NYCM noted that the final document adopted by the government differed from what had been collaboratively created. Respondents also pointed to a lack of implementation, action plan, indicators, and budget.

Further, the NYCM’s Monitoring Report on the Implementation of the Law on Youth Participation and Youth Policies revealed that only 12 percent of municipalities in North Macedonia have established local youth councils, only 11 percent have opened a youth office, and 69 percent have appointed a youth official. This indicates minimal progress and a lack of prioritization of the institutional implementation of youth policies at the local level, evidenced by insufficient investment. A key recommendation for further implementation is to introduce a dedicated budget for youth within municipal and state budgets. As the law outlines, this would ensure transparency and accountability in fund allocation.

In October 2022, the Agency of Youth and Sport, with the support of the international community and youth organizations, began developing the National Youth Strategy for 2023-2027. This strategic document was supposed to set medium-term goals and priorities for youth policy development and promote the interests of young people in North Macedonia. As important as it is that youth organizations are not giving up on these processes, there is a need for a strong and clear approach on the part of the government to implement the strategy. Therefore, some of the recommendations that the future government can take include:

• Youth, youth policies, and youth participation should be recognized as a priority and a matter of strategic interest for the country’s development.
• A commitment should be made to implementing and funding youth policies by aligning government actions with the objectives outlined in the National Youth Strategy. This includes proper allocation of resources, both financial and human, to support youth initiatives and programs.
• Young people should not be treated as tokens but rather included in the decision-making processes at all levels of government. This should be achieved by establishing local youth councils in all municipalities and investing in informal education and creating youth centers to serve as focal points for youth-related issues and initiatives. The proper implementation of this recommendation will mean creating a national youth assembly that will elect youth representatives to its advisory body. Youth must actively participate in creating and monitoring youth policies, including the fiscal implications, through participation in the advisory body. Hopefully, the diverse participation will compensate for the general lack of intersectionality when creating youth policies.
• Ensure transparency and accountability in implementing youth policies by developing clear action plans, indicators for monitoring progress, and dedicated budgets for youth within municipal and state budgets.

Unfortunately, VMRO-DPMNE doesn’t have a good track record of working with civil society. Therefore, the new government must clearly commit to strengthening civil society engagement to foster stronger partnerships with youth-led organizations and civil society groups that can amplify youth voices and address their concerns effectively. The new government has reconstructed the Ministry of Labor and Social Policy to create the Ministry of Social Policy, Demography, and Youth. While the new ministry’s scope includes the aspects of youth policy, its broader mandate includes many other areas, which may dilute the focus on youth if not properly balanced and prioritized.

North Macedonia can leverage its demographic dividend by focusing on youth empowerment, encouraging inclusive dialogue, and providing opportunities for meaningful participation. Even with the right support systems in place and its youth’s energy, creativity, and passion a significant transformation across all areas of society cannot occur without a clear political will.

Civil society: Inclusion and integration

Lura Pollozhani

Civil society in North Macedonia is an active and crucial actor in preserving the country’s democracy. According to data from 2022, nearly fifteen thousand civil society organizations (CSOs) are registered in the country, which attests to the diversity of the sector. As per the European Commission’s 2023 report, CSOs “continue to operate in an enabling environment” in North Macedonia. However, more needs to be done to integrate them into the government’s work and, more importantly, to support the inclusion and the work of an independent civil society.

The government of North Macedonia has a Department for Cooperation with Civil Society Organizations within its General Secretariat. This department follows the implementation of the strategy for cooperation with and development of the civic sector and its 2022-2024 Action Plan, which expires this year. The strategy lists these priorities:

1. Normative, institutional, and financial framework for the development of civil society
2. Democratization, active participation of civil society in societal processes, the creation and monitoring of policies, with a special focus on EU integration
3. Civil society sector as a stakeholder in socioeconomic development

An advisory council for cooperation between the government and civil society was established in 2018. Initially, the council worked efficiently and contributed to better collaboration between civil society and the government. However, cooperation started to crumble after the COVID-19 pandemic, which saw a reduction in transparency and funds for CSOs. Notably, CSOs were not consulted on the administrative reforms of 2022, when funds for CSOs were cut and transferred to a new entity, the Ministry of Political System and Inter-Community Relations, among other issues. This led to a boycott by CSOs, which is ongoing and has seriously affected cooperation and trust between the government and the civil sector. It has also hampered the implementation of the abovementioned strategy. This conflict has exposed the need to make cooperation more organic and less dependent on the politics of the day. There needs to be a way to safeguard the environment of CSOs by establishing a secure budgetary framework that is only revised with their input.

Regarding the visibility of CSOs and their work, they cover various fields, including education, human rights, environmental issues, political participation of marginalized groups, economic empowerment, etc. However, one persistent issue is the inclusiveness of these organizations. Many CSOs that receive and secure more funding are based in Skopje. They are generally organizations with a history of funding, making it harder for new players to come along. There is also the issue of outreach depending on the CSOs’ target audience. For instance, posts and publications are rarely translated into local languages other than Macedonian unless the organization’s primary work is on interethnic issues. The same goes for the inclusion of other marginalized groups or doubly marginalized groups.

Despite these shortcomings, the CSO sector is well placed to improve, learn, and, most importantly, act as one of the main enablers of democracy in the country, particularly by taking concrete measures. An annual session between the government and CSOs should be instituted to assess the government’s priorities as well as the needs of the field arising from the work of CSOs. These annual sessions should resemble the government’s regular weekly sessions, where ministers provide updates on their ministries’ activities and set out the work envisioned ahead. For more transparency, it would be best to set a date and time for these meetings that coincide with the EU Progress Reports. CSOs are already included in the Program of the Government, but there needs to be more direct contact between ministers and CSO representatives.

Local government is equally important, if not more so. There needs to be more investment in creating an enabling environment for CSOs at the local level. This can be achieved by instituting local councils to foster better cooperation between CSOs and local government. Similarly, financial support for the work of CSOs with public money must be based on the needs of CSOs and determined in a consultative process between the government and CSOs. In that vein, the government should also secure a fund for inclusiveness for CSOs that want to reach out to marginalized groups but lack the resources. This may include language interpretation and translation or the installation of ramps and other supporting infrastructure. Finally, CSOs should be encouraged to cooperate by funding projects involving at least one partner from another city and community. This would ensure that CSOs connect and engage beyond Skopje.

Conclusion and policy recommendations

North Macedonia is once again at a crossroads. With the election of a new government, the country has the opportunity to move forward, making necessary democratic reforms, revitalizing the economy, and advancing toward EU membership. It can serve as a success story for the region, or it can remain caught in limbo, in a no man’s land, unable to advance on EU accession and reluctant to implement domestic reforms, further becoming a cautionary tale for other countries in the region. The EU’s approach to the region and North Macedonia over the past decade or more is partly to blame for the present situation. The EU should, as part of its ongoing internal reforms, ensure that bilateral issues remain outside of the accession process. The Union must regain its credibility in the region and North Macedonia. The enlargement process was and should remain based on merits, reforms, and adherence to the Copenhagen criteria. It is in the EU’s own interest that discussions around integration focus on European values and democratic standards, not debates about national identity and history. By focusing on democratic values and standards, from the fight against corruption to improving living standards, North Macedonia’s government and citizens will also be reinvigorated to make concrete, meaningful strides toward EU accession. We hope the policy recommendations, as described in this brief and outlined below, will serve to kickstart this process in North Macedonia and allow it to become the region’s success story.

Economy

• Implement a progressive tax system by imposing higher taxes on higher-income brackets, larger corporations, and wealthier individuals to enhance revenues over a longer term.
• Increase the minimum wage, public-sector salaries, and all social transfers to kick-start the economy.
• Accelerate public investments in infrastructure, including roads, railways, and energy.
• Introduce a strategic industrial policy to support key economic sectors, fostering innovation and international competitiveness to overhaul the outdated economic model.
• Increase investments in public services such as education, healthcare, and social protection to enhance the quality of life and productivity.

EU integration

• Develop and pursue a consistent, cohesive, and inclusive national strategy for EU accession domestically and internationally. The Macedonian EU narrative needs an essential shift—from fulfilling bilaterally imposed conditions that have nothing to do with EU accession criteria toward genuine economic and normative convergence with the EU.
• Elevate and intensify the level of dialogue by Macedonian authorities within the region, Europe, and internationally. Take better advantage of NATO membership, as well as membership of other international organizations, to prevent the bilateralization of the EU accession process and protect national interests.
• Ensure the credibility of the Macedonian EU accession process by pursuing resolute reforms and ensuring a high level of compliance with EU and international standards, especially in the priority areas: democratic standards, human rights, and the rule of law.
• Transpose, embed, and drive domestically the EU acquis and other EU-related reforms through an inclusive and transparent evidence-based policymaking process. Significant improvements are necessary to get the policymaking cycle on track.
• Streamline, depoliticize, and pool resources among institutions to manage the EU accession process.
• Develop the capacity to absorb EU funds in parallel with improving national policymaking processes.

Anti-corruption

• Embrace digitalization initiatives to enhance transparency, streamline processes, and minimize opportunities for malfeasance.
• Enforce robust accountability mechanisms to hold perpetrators accountable and deter future misconduct.
• Strengthen supervisory and control mechanisms to bolster anti-corruption efforts, providing additional safeguards against the abuse of power.
• Fortify the anti-corruption framework through legislative reforms.
• Rigorously prosecute corrupt individuals to enforce a standard of legal accountability.
• Advance legislation on the origin of property to curtail illicit wealth accumulation.
• Protect whistleblowers and foster public awareness to empower citizens to report corruption without fear of reprisal.
• Hold public officials politically accountable and answerable for their actions and decisions.
• Cultivate a culture of accountability within public institutions through transparent employment practices coupled with integrity-driven recruitment and human resource policies.
• Build the institutional capacity of law enforcement agencies, the prosecutor’s office, and the judiciary by equipping them with the resources and expertise needed to effectively investigate and prosecute corruption cases.
• Implement regulatory frameworks to promote transparency and mitigate the risk of collusion and bribery in private-sector operations.
• Prioritize the recommendations of anti-corruption agencies and foster inter-state cooperation.
• Engage civil society and media as essential actors to promote public awareness and scrutiny, hold institutions accountable, and advocate for systemic reforms.

Youth

• Recognize and prioritize youth, youth policies, and youth participation as an essential matter of strategic interest for the country’s development by adding youth to the list of strategic priorities.
• Commit to implement and fund youth policies by aligning government actions with the objectives outlined in the National Youth Strategy.
• Allocate financial and human resources to support youth initiatives and programs.
• Establish local youth councils in all municipalities, create youth centers to serve as focal points for youth-related issues and activities, and invest in nonformal education.
• Create a national youth assembly that will elect youth representatives to an advisory body. The youth sector has an obligation to actively participate in the creation and monitoring of youth policies, including their fiscal implications, through participation in an advisory body.
• Develop clear action plans, indicators for monitoring progress, and dedicated budgets for youth within municipal and state budgets to ensure transparency and accountability in the implementation of youth policies.
• Make a clear commitment to strengthening civil society engagement. This will foster stronger partnerships with youth-led organizations and CSOs that can amplify youth voices and address their concerns effectively.

Civil society

• Institute a yearly session between the government and CSOs to assess both the priorities of the government and the needs from the field emanating from the work of CSOs. These yearly sessions should resemble the government’s regular weekly sessions, where the ministers update on the activities of the year and set out the work envisioned ahead. It would be best if there is a date and time set out for these meetings which could coincide with the EU Progress Reports for more transparency. There is already CSO inclusion in the Program of the Government, but there needs to be more direct contact between ministers and CSO representatives.
• Institute local councils for better cooperation between CSOs and local government. Local government is equally as important if not more so and there needs to be more investment to create an enabling environment for CSOs at the local level.
• Base public-funded support for the work of CSOs on the needs of CSOs through a consultative process between the government and CSOs.
• Secure a fund for inclusiveness for CSOs that want to reach out to marginalized groups but lack the resources. This may include language interpretation and translation or the installation of ramps and other supporting infrastructure depending on needs.
• Encourage cooperation between CSOs by funding projects that involve at least one partner from another city and community. This would ensure that CSOs connect and engage beyond Skopje.

Aleksej Demjanski is an independent researcher and political analyst specializing in North Macedonia and Southeast Europe. He works as a program officer at the National Endowment for Democracy, providing political analysis and managing support for independent media and civil society in North Macedonia, Kosovo, and the broader Balkan region. He specializes in transparency, accountability, anti-corruption, and media development. He has extensive democracy and civil society program management experience alongside policy analysis, consulting, and research stints in the United States and Central and Eastern Europe. As a hobby, he created the Macedonian Matters weekly newsletter, curating news on politics and society in North Macedonia.

Biljana Ivanovska is an economist and currently an adviser at North Macedonia’s Audit Authority for IPA Funds. Most recently, she served as the president of the State Commission for the Prevention of Corruption (2019–2024). Ivanovska started her career in parliament, where she worked for six years in the parliamentary commissions for economic affairs. She then continued her work at the Ministry of Finance where she was head of the Budget and Funds Department. After that, she spent thirteen years at the State Audit Office as a principal auditor carrying out audits of state bodies, local governments, and public enterprises in North Macedonia.

Branimir Jovanović is an economist at the Vienna Institute for International Economic Studies, focusing on the economies of the Western Balkans. His research primarily explores topics such as economic inequality, poverty, fiscal policy, taxation, social policies, EU integration, and foreign direct investment. He served as an adviser to the minister of finance of North Macedonia from 2017 to 2019 and was a researcher at the National Bank of North Macedonia from 2007 to 2015. He also participated in the social protests in his native North Macedonia from 2014 to 2016, including the “Colourful Revolution.”

Sara Milenkovska is a researcher and co-founder of the Stella Network, a mentoring network for women and girls. With a background in gender studies, political science, and strategic communications, she holds a master of science in gender, politics, and inequality from the London School of Economics and Political Science and a master in strategic communications from Institute for Communication Studies Skopje. Her research delves into youth and systemic inequality, intersectionality, anti-gender movements, and (digital) gender-based violence.

Lura Pollozhani is a researcher at the University of Graz, researching social movements in the Western Balkans as well as EU enlargement. Her other research interests include radicalization, citizenship practices in divided societies, and democratization.

She completed her PhD in law and politics at the University of Graz and earned an MSc in European studies: ideas and identities at the London School of Economics. Pollozhani worked as an adviser to the prime minister of North Macedonia on cooperation with international organizations between 2019 and 2020. She is one of the co-founders of the Stella Network, a mentoring network for women and girls, and is a member of the Balkans in Europe Policy Advisory Group.

Malinka Ristevska Jordanova has been engaged in the EU integration process since the late nineties, holding high public administration positions in the Macedonian parliament and government. She made special contributions to the candidacy of the Republic of Macedonia for its accession to the EU and road map for visa liberalization.

Dr. Ristevska Jordanova is a former director (from 2011 to February 2017) of the Macedonian think tank European Policy Institute. In her research, Jordanova has focused on the application of the EU policy of conditionality in the region, as well as on the transposition of the EU acquis.

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Image: North Macedonian opposition party VMRO-DPMNE leader Hristijan Mickoski celebrates with his party members, after speaking to the press, following the parliamentary elections and second round of the presidential election in Skopje, North Macedonia, May 8, 2024. REUTERS/Ognen Teofilovski